Basic Rules on Lobbying by 501(c) (3) Organizations

According to the Internal Revenue Code , nonprofit organizations with 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status are organized “for charitable, religious, educational, or scientific purposes,” (IRS Tax Code) and these organizations are subject to the rule that lobbying cannot be a substantial part of their activities.

The organization’s articles [constitution, by-laws] may not “expressly empower it to devote more than an insubstantial part of its activities to attempting to influence legislation by propaganda.”

501(c)(3) organizations may not directly or indirectly participate in political campaigns by supporting or endorsing candidates for public office or by publishing or distributing statements on behalf of a candidate’s campaign. However, 501(c) (3) organizations may lobby as long as that lobbying remains an insubstantial part of their activities.

Direct Lobbying

Direct lobbying is communicating your views to a legislator or a staff member of any other government employee who may help develop the legislation. To be lobbying, you must communicate a view on a “specific legislative proposal.” Even if there is no bill, you would engage in lobbying if you ask a legislator to take an action that would require legislation, such as funding an agency. Significantly, if you ask your members to lobby for this bill, that also is considered direct–not grassroots– lobbying. People are considered members if they contribute more than a nominal amount of time or money. If a newsletter article that goes to both members and non-members urges them to take action, the amount you would need to allocate to grassroots lobbying would be only the percentage of non-members who received your newsletter. However, if you simply tell people about a specific piece of legislation and your position on it but you don’t encourage them to contact their legislators, this is not counted as lobbying.

Direct lobbying also involves trying to influence the public on referenda and ballot initiatives. In these cases, the public are, in essence, the legislators.

Grassroots Lobbying

Grassroots lobbying is trying to influence the public to express a particular view to their legislators about a specific legislative proposal. A communication is considered lobbying (a “grassroots call to action”) if it states that the readers should contact a legislator, or if it provides the legislator’s address and/or telephone number, or provides a post card or petition that the person can use. It is also considered a lobbying communication if you simply identify legislators who are opposed to or undecided about your view of the legislation, or identify that person’s legislators, or state who is on the committee that will vote on the legislation. (This is called “indirect encouragement.”) Simply identifying a bill’s sponsor (the “Istook amendment”) is not considered indirect encouragement.

Organizations that send out frequent “calls to action” urging their members to contact their legislators, organizations that employ an outside lobbyist or lobbying firm, and organizations that lobby through their employees should consult Section 501(h) of the Internal Revenue Tax Code for reporting rules and procedures.

Procurement Lobbying

There are two main types of lobbying, the exact legal definitions of which vary from state to state. The first type of lobbying is direct lobbying. In general terms, direct lobbying involves a person or entity attempting to influence legislation in a way that favors the client. Direct lobbyists typically interact with legislators or government employees involved in creating legislation.

The other main type of lobbying is known as grassroots lobbying. Grassroots lobbying focuses on influencing public opinion in favor of  or opposition to particular legislation. This type of lobbying also encourages members of the public to take action themselves in a variety of ways, such as by contacting their elected officials or signing petitions.

Often ignored by the vendor community is Procurement lobbying. This is of particular importance as federal, state, and local governments purchase trillions of dollars in goods and services.

Procurement lobbying involves appreciating:

  • all procurement lobbying laws in the 50 states, the federal government, and more than 230 municipal jurisdictions, along with common-language descriptions of these same ordinances and statutes.
  • advisory opinions interpreting lobbying laws
  • pay-to-play laws on every government level
  • full descriptions of registration and reporting requirements
  • jurisdictions requiring registration as a lobbyist for procurement activities
  • contingent lobbying prohibitions by jurisdiction
  • summaries of gift laws;

and pre-RFP pursuit, meaning shaping upcoming procurements in conformity with the above points.

It can be difficult to find the right person to talk to in Government Agencies and companies. That’s a major reason why people don’t do pre-RFP pursuit. It’s also why many companies are in perpetual sales mode.

Before you can influence the RFP or gain pre-RFP customer insight, you have to make contact with the right people at the customer. Here are some ways to do that:

  1. Past contracts. Sometimes the best source of data about future purchases starts by identifying who the buyers were for similar purchases in the past. So start with mining the data and looking up past contracts through online databases. The points of contact may not always be up to date, but it’s a good place to start.
  2. Associations. What associations might the customer belong to? Do they publish their membership or attendee lists? Do they hold meetings where you might meet face to face? Do they publish presentations or documents that might mention names?
  3. Councils, standards setting organizations, and committees. Are there any other organizations the customer might participate in? In addition to their membership list, do they publish minutes or other documents that might provide insight or contacts?
  4. LinkedIn profiles. Can you find your points of contact on LinkedIn? If you do, can you find their co-workers and business partners? In addition to searching by demographics, you can also search by acronyms, technical terminology, program names, functional terminology, etc.
  5. LinkedIn groups. Look up what groups on LinkedIn your customers have joined. If they post, see what you can learn. If they read, you have an opportunity to put words in front of them. Just simply knowing what groups they are in can provide insight. If you can’t find your customers’ profiles on LinkedIn, maybe you can find them in a relevant group.
  6. Trade shows and events. What trade shows and events do they host or participate in? Can you get introduced? Can you meet face to face? What can you learn? What can you demonstrate?
  7. Websites and org charts. Does the customer have a website? Does it name names? Does it have an org chart that can help you navigate? Can you do an image search for a relevant org chart?
  8. Publishers. There are companies that research, aggregate, and publish databases that include customer contact information. Some can save you a huge amount of time.
  9. Google. Learn how to use Boolean search operators. Then combine fragments of names, email addresses, titles, projects, technology, locations, etc. to see if you can find the needle in the haystack.
  10. Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).  If it’s a Government customer, you can try doing a FOIA for rosters, staff directories, points of contact, organization charts, committee memberships, attendance lists, etc.
  11. Teaming partners. Who do your subs or primes know? Can you get a referral or introduction?
  12. Alumni. Not yours. Theirs. Where did they go to school? Can you track them down through Alumni organizations or discover someone else who knows them?
  13. Certification registries. If their job requires specific certifications, are there lists or registries of people with that certification?
  14. Look for coordination points. Where does the customer’s organization need to coordinate with the outside world? That’s where people will be visible.
  15. Look for common interests, platforms, tools, and requirements. Show interest in their interests. Be where they will be. Then be helpful when they arrive.

Procurement Lobbyists can assist with all 15 approaches but most importantly they bring years of personal networking: a wide cast of personal relations to allow you to expand your network. Because it’s not about selling. It’s about getting to know each other and working together. It’s about professional development

“Is Congress an endangering species?”

For businesses hoping to have an influence on the course of regulation, much of the action has moved from Congress to the executive branch. The last few years have seen an expansive exercise of federal power through the issuance of new regulations, the reinterpretation of existing ones, and the enforcement of both, as well as more novel regulatory approaches. The trend shows through in virtually every regulatory area, and it looks likely to continue through 2015 and beyond.

On the one hand, the Obama administration is proud of its assertive approach, pointing to progress even in the face of what it calls a “do-nothing” Congress. By contrast, congressional Republicans — and some constitutional scholars — have accused the administration of regulatory overreaching.

But one thing seems certain about this new wave of administrative activism: it spells new headaches for business.

More regulation means more compliance costs and challenges. More aggressive enforcement means harsher penalties and more intrusive sanctions for failure to comply. And more key decisions being made by the executive branch — rather than by Congress or the courts — means businesses have to be even more focused and strategic to make their views known and influence the outcomes.

Federal agencies have been testing the limits of their statutory authority. Like the president, agency leaders also see themselves as taking up the mantel that Congress dropped.

For example, no major environmental statute has undergone a major reauthorization since the 1990s. In the meantime, new environmental challenges — greenhouse gases, new findings about substance toxicity, and the like — have emerged. In some cases, there is broad agreement — among stakeholders, if not in Congress — that revisions are needed because the laws as currently written cannot be interpreted to address these newer concerns.

As the number and scope of administrative rules multiply, so do the penalties for non-compliance. If just measured in fines alone, these penalties are rising fast: more than $13 billion in 2014, up from about $7 billion in 2013, according to economist Brandon Garrett at the University of Virginia. (In 2008, the figure was closer to $2 billion.) And, in the realm of consumer protection, for example, the Federal Trade Commission has been increasingly willing to go to court to seek monetary damages or consumer redress rather than settling for an injunction- blocking future non-compliant behavior.

Moreover, enforcement actions are increasingly resulting in much more than a fine and an order to stop the violations. Prosecutors are demanding deep and very specific changes in management and embedding monitors in the company to ensure that they occur. Settlements are requiring corporate policy changes, staff training, remedial community training programs, and more.

Additionally, companies facing even the threat of enforcement actions have allowed regulators to influence their policies in new ways. For example, after a safety crisis, General Motors signed an accord with the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration in which it agreed to implement training policies that expressly disavow statements diluting the safety message in internal communications. The move is part of a growing trend of agencies trying to change corporate culture.

In another case, the Consumer Product Safety Commission is calling on retailers to pull products from their shelves when the agency cannot convince manufacturers to recall them. Retailers are increasingly willing to go along; now that the commission’s civil penalty cap has increased from $1.8 million to $15 million.

Regulators are also becoming more aggressive in their efforts to root out alleged misdeeds, largely through efforts to recruit insiders. For example, in 2013 the government enhanced whistleblower protections for employees of government contractors and extended the protections to subcontractors. When coupled with significant awards afforded to whistleblowers, the protections amount to deputizing the workers of America to blow the whistle on their employers and act as a partner in enforcement.

The recent regulatory expansionism will continue through 2015 — and likely beyond — thanks to a striking confluence of events.

  • Firstly, the third year of a president’s term tends to be the most aggressive in terms of policymaking. Midterm elections are over, political appointees are firmly in place, and the administration is acting with its legacy in mind. By contrast, in 2016, the administration may face pressure to pull back on rulemaking for the sake of pre-election politics or transitional smoothing.
  • Secondly, the 2013 decision by Democrats to strip Republicans’ ability to filibuster the president’s nominees has resulted, for the first time in a decade, in a federal appeals bench — including the all-important D.C. Circuit — in which judges appointed by Democrats considerably outnumber Republicans. These judges are generally thought to be more receptive to the regulators in legal challenges to the administration’s authority.
  • Thirdly, a U.S. Supreme Court ruling in 2013, City of Arlington v. FCC, appears to give agencies wide discretion in deciding the scope of its statutory authority. Arlington continues a tendency running back 30 years for courts to defer to agencies when there is ambiguity about whether the agency is allowed to act under its authority established by Congress. As a result, unless Congress clearly mandates otherwise, agencies can expand their authority as far as they see fit. And since their statutory authority tends to be quite broadly stated, agencies have a lot of leeway.

Companies struggling with compliance do have a range of options, however.  As they devise their compliance strategy, companies may want to seek guidance from agencies on how their rules might apply to them; seek waivers, exceptions and mitigating guidelines; and develop sound policy reasons to have the agency construe its rules in a manner that achieves the regulatory goal but is less onerous for a company.

Congress still has a role to play in affecting an industry’s regulatory burden. For one, a legislator can write letters or hold hearings in an attempt to influence agencies on important issues. Congress can constrain agency actions by appropriations riders or budgetary restrictions. And legislative wins are still possible for companies that can find issues that can be agreed by both sides of the aisle as job creators.

It is more important than ever to build and sustain relationships with relevant agencies. That means interacting with them regularly and educating them about issues important to your industry. The goal is to build your reputation and their comfort level well before any sensitive issues come up, such as potential enforcement actions or proposed regulations you want to fight.

As in the case of agency leaders, it’s important for companies to establish ongoing relationships with relevant members of Congress, rather than reaching out only when they need something from them.

2014 MID-TERM ELECTION ANALYSIS

INTRODUCTION

 Republicans gained a substantial majority in the U.S. Senate.

Republicans won eight formerly-Democratic held seats by defeating four incumbents and winning four open seats. They also retained all three “at-risk” Republican Senate seats (Georgia, Kansas, and Kentucky). (See below for a breakdown of the Senate elections.) The biggest surprise was the razor-thin Senate race in Virginia where incumbent Democrat Mark Warner held on to a narrow lead over Republican Ed Gillespie.

The U.S. House of Representatives retained a substantial Republican majority. The GOP reached their largest majority since 1931, when Herbert Hoover was president. Some Democratic Party leaders worry that they could be locked out of the House majority until the next round of redistricting in the 2020s.

In gubernatorial races, incumbent Republicans in Wisconsin (Scott Walker), Michigan (Rick Snyder), Ohio (John Kasich), Florida (Rick Scott), Kansas (Sam Brownback), and Georgia (Nathan Deal) were reelected, with Deal defeating Jason Carter, grandson of former President Jimmy Carter. In Wisconsin, in a setback for organized labor, overwhelming union opposition failed for a third time to unseat Governor Scott Walker—in 2010, in a 2012 recall vote, and now in Walker’s 2014 reelection—whom they considered the nation’s most blatantly anti-union governor in a historically pro-union state. In the closely-watched    race in Florida, incumbent Republican Governor Scott narrowly defeated former Governor Charlie Crist running as a Democrat. The biggest surprise was Republican Larry Hogan’s victory over Democrat Anthony Brown in predictably blue state Maryland. No one saw that coming.

 

What Do These Election Results Mean?

First, the election results mean the start of the 2016 presidential campaign. Leading potential candidates from both parties were omnipresent on the stump in the 2014 mid-term elections, especially in early presidential election-year states such as Iowa and New Hampshire. If you are fed up with this year’s political campaigns, get ready for 2016. In fact, since there will be more incumbent Republicans up for reelection in 2016 (just the reverse of this year), congressional majorities will once again be at stake, especially where voter turnout will be much higher with the White House at stake.

Second, the election results could redirect congressional attention to economic issues, which voters overwhelmingly proclaimed as their top concern. This could mean passage of legislation where both parties are able to make concessions, without compromising principles, on issues such as tax reform, infrastructure, the Keystone XL pipeline, and trade policy. Also, look for votes to repeal the Affordable Care Act, or at least to “fix” it.

However, other than possibly passing multi-employer pension plan reform and some form of immigration legislation, do not expect passage of major labor and employment legislation. Organized labor was the biggest loser in the mid-term elections. The result may also mean the start of debate on Republican proposals for major labor law reform.

Third, it means there will be more presidential executive orders, starting with immigration reform and climate change, as well as federal regulations where the administration cannot achieve its agenda through Congress.

Fourth, now that Republicans in both houses can set the congressional agenda and will have subpoena powers, it means much more aggressive oversight of agency actions at the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL), and the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). It also could trigger possible appropriations riders to prohibit or restrict funding to enforce certain regulations, such as the imminent NLRB “ambush election rules” and the Labor Department’s regulatory overhaul of the Fair Labor Standards Act’s Part 541 overtime exemptions for bona fide executive, administrative, professional, outside sales, and computer employees.

Fifth, with a Senate majority, it means much greater scrutiny of White House judicial and federal agency nominations, even in the face of the Senate’s “nuclear option,” which removed Senate filibusters. The Republican Senate majority will try to stop nominations of progressive judicial candidates to the federal courts of appeals.

Sixth, unions took it on the chin across the country, especially in gubernatorial races. In August, the AFL- CIO said it would take out six key anti-union governors: Rick Scott of Florida, Rick Snyder of Michigan, Paul LePage of Maine, John Kasich of Ohio, Scott Walker of Wisconsin and Tom Corbett of Pennsylvania. Only Corbett was defeated.

The reelections of embattled incumbent governors in blue states such as Wisconsin, in Governor Scott Walker’s race, and Michigan, in Governor Rick Snyder’s race, who faced the furies of an all-out union assault, will embolden other governors to take on public sector unions. There may even be an effort to pass a right-to-work law in Kentucky.

Finally, Republicans proved that primary elections are important in selecting qualified candidates. Now, having been elected, Republicans have two years to prove they can govern before facing a much more challenging 2016 election–when it will no longer be enough simply to attack a lame duck president.

To be continued.

Author Martin Milita, a Senior Director at Duane Morris Government Strategies, is a member of the New Jersey and Pennsylvania Bars and has lobbied state and federally and in Canada.

Duane Morris Government Strategies is a bipartisan government relations firm. Duane Morris Government Strategies represent clients before the federal government and in Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, New York, New Jersey and Ohio. Duane Morris Government Strategies professionals offer a full complement of government-affairs services, including legislative and executive branch advocacy, policy analysis, assistance with government procurement and funding programs, and crisis management.

Duane Morris Government Strategies professionals have held high-level political positions in both Republican and Democratic administrations, and have run and played active roles in federal, state, and local political campaigns. They have also worked for members of Congress, congressional and state committees, and presidential and gubernatorial transition teams. Also at Duane Morris Government Strategies disposal are hundreds of seasoned attorneys from the Duane Morris law firm who have handled complex legal issues in the public and private sectors across a multitude of industries.

 

Big changes in Lobbying from Big Changes in Congress

 

Big changes in Lobbying from Big Changes in Congress:

With the Republican Party taking the U.S. Senate on Tuesday, lobbying dollars will shift to areas such as health and energy to reflect GOP priorities says Martin Milita of Duane Morris Government Strategies. The Republican Party won control of the U.S. Senate in Tuesday’s midterm elections, taking seats held by Democratic incumbents in several key battleground states to secure the majority after holding onto and increasing its presence in the the U.S. House of Representatives earlier in the evening.

The GOP had needed to reel in six seats to retake the Senate following eight years of Democratic control, and by late Tuesday had done just that in Arkansas, Colorado, Iowa, Montana, South Dakota and West Virginia to push them to victory.

Expectations that the next Congress may have a hard time getting legislation passed because of the “threat of a White House veto, or may otherwise pursue an unambitious agenda”, should see lobbying spending shift away from routine “monitoring and reporting” efforts; “ lobbyist will rather focus on winning support for major projects and legislation, resulting in a potential boon for established, well-connected firms”, Milita said.

This will include large law firm lobbying arms, such as Duane Morris Government Strategies. Duane Morris Government Strategies professionals have worked for members of Congress, congressional and state committees, and presidential and gubernatorial transition teams. Also at Duane Morris Government Strategies disposal are hundreds of seasoned attorneys from the Duane Morris law firm who have handled complex legal issues in the public and private sectors across a multitude of industries.

“Particular industries, such as the energy industry and the defense industry, could also ramp up their spending to reflect perceived and stated GOP legislative priorities- like pressing for approval of the contentious Keystone XL crude oil pipeline” says Milita.

Milita went on to say, “Health care companies are especially likely to drive a tremendous amount of activity under a GOP-majority Senate, with likely Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., expected to support a push to revisit aspects of the Affordable Care Act”.

DMGS clients’ included retailers and manufacturers, professional associations, municipalities, health care and pharmaceutical companies, transportation and oil companies, universities, and financial services firms, many of them in the top echelons of their respective industries.

According to Milita, the change in Senate majority is the sort of “realigning election” that typically ushers in an increase in lobbying spending in general, with both Republican and Democratic incumbents continuing to see significant lobbying spending directed at them. Meanwhile, lobbying firms and their clients will also be reaching out to newly elected senators, Milita says.

“It’s an great opportunity for those who get in first to communicate with new members,” he said.

More importantly, lobbying clients will seek to direct spending to secure or reinforce ties with new committee and caucus leaders, who hold significant influence over the legislation that will reach the Senate floor — efforts that in some cases can be like “starting anew,” Milita said.

“This is a fundamental change … clients have to start all over again in trying to establish relationships,” he said.

Despite some anti-lobbying rhetoric from the Obama administration, congressional lobbying spending has remained at a relatively stable, high level for a number of years, after ramping up during the 2000s, according to Allard.

Total federal congressional lobbying spending has remained about $3.3 billion for each of the past three years, after peaking around $3.5 billion in both 2009 and 2010, according to figures collated by the Center for Responsive Politics from Lobbying Disclosure Act-mandated filings. Spending first jumped to about $3.3 billion in 2008, from just under $2.9 billion in 2007, following a decade of steady year-on-year increases.

The largest industry sector for congressional lobbying spending in 2013 was finance, insurance and real estate, at just under $490 million, with the health industry close behind at a little more than $487 million. Communications and technology firms were next on the list, spending close to $394 million. Energy and other natural resources firms spent just more than $359 million, outspending the next nearest industry — transportation — by more than $130 million, CRP-collated figures show.

While its overall spending levels and relative positions within the group have changed over the past decade, this group of four industries has remained, as a bloc, the biggest lobbying spenders over that period.

But even these lofty figures don’t capture the full picture, Milita said. With much legislation around the world now having cross-border impacts, the increasing globalization of advocacy efforts is one of the most fundamental recent changes to the lobbying industry, and it is not reflected in federal LDA filings, the usual tracking tool, he said.

“The fact is, a lot is spent on lobbying, and that will continue,” he said. “The demand for expert advocacy will continue as government’s influence on our lives continues.”

Lobbying 101-The Best Time to Lobby

The Best Time to Lobby

Several weeks before a bill is considered at any level, Elected’s  and their staffs’ meet to plan strategies and take positions on a bill. If your lobbying effort is too late, a decision may have already been made. If you lobby too early, the impact of the lobbying effort may have been lost in the intervening time.

The best time to lobby is when a representative or senator is considering writing or sponsoring a bill that will benefit or harm your cause. If you make your position known at this stage, you have a greater opportunity to influence the legislation or even kill the Bill.

For example, Preservationists can participate in many different ways as a bill progresses through its many stages toward enactment. You should inform your representative or senators of your position on a bill soon after it is introduced and suggest any changes you would like to see made. If its positive for you, encourage them to show their support by becoming a cosponsor of the bill, or, if a negative, ask them to oppose the legislation.

Two or three weeks before a proposal is at a decision point in the legislative process, reinforce your position with a letter, phone call, e-mail, or personal visit..

Follow the bill’s process closely. You will need to reinforce your position with your member and other members as the bill reaches each step of the legislative process.

Lobbying during election time: Election time and during campaigns offer a perfect opportunity for grassroots lobbyists.  Candidates of both parties will spend time in their districts, giving you the chance to attend candidate forums, debates, or other gatherings to ask for their views on preservation to keep to our example. These public forums will expose preservation issues and the candidate’s stand on them to a broader audience. This is also the time to submit questions on preservation to candidates during meetings, public forums, or when they are canvassing a neighborhood. Try to elicit specific commitments of support. These become powerful lobbying tools later.

Candidates at all levels of government respond to voting power. Your vote can be a positive force. After the election, congratulate the winning candidate and offer your assistance on legislation affecting historic preservation.

Remember, a bill must be passed by both the lower and upper houses.  If your representative is not sympathetic to an issue, lobby your senator and vice versa.

Martin Milita is a senior director  with Duane Morris Government Strategies, a consultancy and lobbying firm that represents clients seeking the support of state- and federal-level government agencies. Commanding a career that spans more than three decades, Martin Milita possesses extensive experience serving private and public sector clients in legislative affairs and activities. Martin Milita holds a Bachelor’s degree in Government and Politics from King’s College and a Juris Doctor from the James E. Beasley School of Law at Temple University.

Lobbying 101.5: “Who & Where to Lobby”

Who & Where to Lobby

As a continuation of Lobbying 101 we now explore “who & where to lobby”. There is no restriction on how many members of Congress or your state legislature or a city council you may lobby. You will find, however, that your own state congressional delegation or your state senator or representative—those who are there to represent your interests—will be the most responsive.

Take Congress as the example: support or opposition can have the greatest influence at the committee level. Members of Congress who are not members of the committee handling your legislation have far less influence on how it is shaped. If your congressional member sits on a committee that is considering your issue, your lobbying will be crucial.

If your state is not represented on the committee, ask your congressman to speak with the chairman or members of the committee and endorse your position.

Remember, a bill must be passed by both the House and the Senate. If your representative is not sympathetic to an issue, lobby your senator and vice versa

Where to Lobby

Washington, D.C., Office: Your first communication to the office of a member of Congress is likely to be directed to the legislative assistant who handles your issue. The receptionist may not immediately know who that is, unless your member has consistently been involved with your immediately relevant issue.

  • Legislative assistants are generally scrambling to assemble briefings on short deadlines and not inclined to engage in extensive discussions or policy debates with constituents.
  • They want concise, well-organized presentations, including material on how this issue plays out in their member’s district.
  • They do not want long position papers that will take huge amounts of time to read and then summarize.
  • They are busy and focused on short-term demands, so if your issue is way off in the future, they will be less interested in speaking with you.
  • Keep your communications short and to the point, letting them extend the discussion if they become interested.
  • District Office: Senators may have six or so offices around their state. A congressman in a small district would only have one, in a larger district, two or three.

Staff members who work in the district office are not directly involved in the legislative process, however, they are a valuable lobbying resource. The district office is readily accessible and the staff is familiar with local issues. Usually the district director or another senior advisor is the member’s eyes and ears in the district and provides important feedback on the priority of local issues. The member’s schedule in his home district is usually arranged by these offices as well. Use District folks often.

Author Martin Milita, a Senior Director at Duane Morris Government Strategies, is a member of the New Jersey and Pennsylvania Bars and has lobbied state and federally and in Canada.

Duane Morris Government Strategies is a bipartisan government relations firm. Duane Morris Government Strategies represent clients before the federal government and in Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, New York, New Jersey and Ohio. Duane Morris Government Strategies professionals offer a full complement of government-affairs services, including legislative and executive branch advocacy, policy analysis, assistance with government procurement and funding programs, and crisis management.

Duane Morris Government Strategies professionals have held high-level political positions in both Republican and Democratic administrations, and have run and played active roles in federal, state, and local political campaigns. They have also worked for members of Congress, congressional and state committees, and presidential and gubernatorial transition teams. Also at Duane Morris Government Strategies disposal are hundreds of seasoned attorneys from the Duane Morris law firm who have handled complex legal issues in the public and private sectors across a multitude of industries.